回归法律规范:刑事值班律师制度适用问题再反思

目前我国刑事值班律师制度规范背后折射出有权机关抑制辩方权利的倾向。根据法律规范意旨,只要被追诉人没有辩护人,国家就应“强制指派”值班律师介入案件。将“约见”解读为国家指派值班律师需以被追诉人申请为前提,这混淆了律师会见与介入案件的关系,且将国家责任转嫁给个人,弱化了对被追诉人获得最低限度法律援助权利的保障。相关规范性文件将值班律师阅卷权能限定为“查阅”,但基于法律援助法第37条的文义、控辩平等之程序公正底线要求等因素,值班律师阅卷权能还应包括“摘抄”“复制”。《法律援助值班律师工作办法》第10条第2款规定,值班律师有量刑异议时,只要其认可犯罪嫌疑人认罪认罚的自愿性,就应在具结书上签字。这是对值班律师功能“见证化”的公开宣示,与2018年刑事诉讼法第201条的意旨以及值班律师实质性参与量刑协商的改革要求相矛盾。值班律师应被赋予拒绝签字的权利。“实质性参与”应是目前完善值班律师制度的基本方向。     

基层派出所视频侦查体系构建实证研究

视频侦查已成为公安机关重要的刑侦基础性工作。目前省、市、县、所四级公安视频侦查体系基本建成,而作为基层一线的“所级”视频侦查体系,实践中没有受到足够的重视。应强化派出所层级的视频侦查体系建设,同时,合理协调全社会视频监控系统建设的系统推进,以提升视频侦查工作实战效能。     

Does Moderation Pay in a Consociational Democracy? The Marginalisation of the SDLP in the North of Ireland

A central question in the debate between “centripetalists” and “consociationalists” concerns whether power‐sharing arrangements provide incentives for moderation. This article helps to formulate an empirical answer through an examination of the electoral decline of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) following the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) in the North of Ireland. Drawing on primary qualitative interviews with key players, this article argues that the SDLP were electoral losers under a system of ethnic out‐flanking. Sinn Féin has successfully presented itself as the “greener” and more robust representative of nationalist interests, whilst simultaneously moderating its message and operating the institutions of Northern Ireland. Sinn Féin has taken ownership of the GFA and has positioned itself as the party best able to ensure its delivery. Sinn Féin’s rights‐based agenda, and vibrant electoral machine, has resonated with the nationalist electorate who are less sure of what the contemporary SDLP stands for.     

Terrorist violence and the enrollment of psychology in predicting Muslim extremism: critical terrorism studies meets critical algorithm studies

Discourse on terrorist violence has long facilitated an especially liberal form of securitisation. Originally evoked in reference to anarchists and communists, a rational consideration of terrorist violence, inaugurated by the concept, asks for deferred judgement about the nature of, or reasons behind, violence related to terror on the premise that state and international legal norms governing the legitimate use of violence fail to circumscribe the proper capacities of the state to regulate and explain terrorism. Where sovereign powers along with their military and civilian instruments of coercion are deemed unable to regulate violence effectively, analysts of terrorist violence and their readership are invited to consider and cultivate new sensibilities. Beginning in the 1980s, studies by psychologists found renewed urgency among a growing cadre of interdisciplinary terror experts who found religion, Islam especially, a key variable of analysis. I situate their contributions in a longer history of secular and racialising discourse about terrorist violence. Central to this history are practices of reading, translating, interpreting and archiving texts. Evidence for the argument is based on the analysis of an algorithm that allegedly predicts the likelihood of terrorist strikes by counting words spoken by al-Qa?ida leaders and correlating their frequency with over 30 psychological categories.     

高校青年教师的情绪劳动会导致过劳吗？ ——中介及调节变量的检验

高校青年教师的情绪劳动是否会造成过劳,对个人健康、组织运行和社会发展均具有重要影响。研究探讨情绪劳动对过度劳动的作用机理和影响路径,验证情绪劳动是否通过职业紧张的中介作用对过度劳动产生影响,并检验组织支持感在两者之间的调节作用。研究结果表明:情绪劳动对职业紧张和过度劳动都有着显著的正向影响,职业紧张在情绪劳动与过度劳动之间起部分中介作用,组织支持感在情绪劳动因素之一的表层扮演与过度劳动之间起负向调节作用。     

网络信息安全犯罪的定量评价困境和突围路径——大数据背景下网络信息量化标准的反思和重构

刑法对网络安全的保护立场，正由网络运行安全转向网络信息安全。刑事立法更新不断增设网络信息安全专属罪名的同时，刑事司法的定量评价体系却未能一体构建，成为网络安全刑法保护的薄弱环节。当前网络信息安全犯罪的定量评价体系缺乏明确的逻辑主线，同时适用错位的“传统法益侵害程度”量化标准和模糊的“数据规模”新型量化标准，无法满足网络信息安全专属罪名司法适用的准确性和统一性需求，导致了司法适用的困境。消弭规范和技术之间的差异，以“信息规模”为定量评价核心的基础上，建构信息价值的分层评价模型，并将“组信息”作为基础的数据规模计量单位，是大数据时代背景下，突破网络信息安全犯罪司法定量评价困境的合理路径。     

新时代中国特色社会主义语境中的服务型政府建设

党的十九大报告中已经明确提出了要大力加强“建设人民满意的服务型政府”,为此,新时代中国特色社会主义对服务型政府建设提出了新的建设要求与总体目标。从新时代的语境中加以分析,发现如今服务型政府建设还有许多不满足新要求的问题,主要体现在政府的服务范围、服务理念、服务主体和服务供给机制等方面。针对上述几方面存在的问题,可以从明确服务边界、牢固树立服务行政理念、加强服务队伍建设、形成以人民需求为导向的公共服务供给机制等方面来加以探讨。     

The effects of national cultures on two technologically advanced countries: The case of e-leadership in South Korea and the United States

The increased use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) has triggered enormous innovation in the public sector and created positive public value at the managerial, delivery of services, and policy levels. However, these positive outcomes do not automatically accrue simply by adoption of ICTs as public leaders can fail to adopt relevant new ICTs, use them poorly, or use them in ways that actually diminish public value, which raises the question of the importance of e-leadership. This article examines e-leadership and innovation capacity at the individual public manager level and fills in some gaps about the practice and implementation of ICTs in the public sector. We explore eight research questions useful in theorizing about e-leadership, develop constructs of e-leadership, and describe the current development of e-leadership. By comparing e-leadership in two country settings (South Korea and the United States), we also overcome the limitations of the existing Western-oriented studies about innovations in the public sector. In addition to the growth of e-leadership use and requirements for a variety of competencies equivalent to, but separate from, traditional communication competences, we find that national cultures exert significant influence on the major constructs of e-leadership, which implies that an effective e-leadership strategy should consider cultural contexts seriously.     

The 2019 General Election in Northern Ireland: the Rise of the Centre Ground?

The experience of the 2019 general election in Northern Ireland took a very different course to that of the rest of the UK and, indeed, to the pattern of electoral politics typical of the region. Coming after almost three years with no functioning devolved government, combined with intense disagreement and uncertainty about Brexit, voters were ready to give a message to the two largest parties. Both Sinn Féin and the DUP suffered losses in the election, with the headline outcome being that unionism no longer holds the majority of seats for Northern Ireland in Westminster. More generally, there was a swing from both sides towards centre ground voting, which brought significant gains for the Alliance Party and the SDLP. This article summarises the reasons for this broad trend, focussing on the conditions and electoral pacts which brought it about. It also considers what it might mean for the prospects for Irish unification, noting that a referendum on unification will only be passed by attracting votes from those who tend to see themselves as neither unionist or nationalist.     

"堰塞湖"型社区治安管理模式探析 ——以北京市崔各庄东辛店村为例

基层治,则天下安。在新型城镇化纵深推进大背景下,对流动人口住处的疏解整治成为解决"大城市病"的必要手段,但实践中拆迁整治引发了"堰塞湖效应","堰塞湖效应"使得流动人口流入地社区演变成"堰塞湖"型社区。对此类社区的治安管理应革新以往防范式治安管理模式,有针对性地构建社区治安问题"审视→分析→反应→评估"的治安管理模式,根据"堰塞湖"型社区治安问题产生的原因及管理困境,形成一套从宏观到微观的逻辑严谨、运行有序的治安管理体系。具体可从树立"善治"和"共治"治安管理理念、促进流动人口社区融合和社区治安资源整合等方面入手解决"堰塞湖"型社区治安问题,以维护社区安全稳定。